SumVoices: Africa Rising - West Africa's Cybersecurity Challenge

Our last installment of SumVoices featured Pakistani lawyer and activist Yassir Latif Hamdani. This month we bring you insight from Ghanaian blogger Ibrahim.

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Cybersecurity remains a challenge within the West Africa sub-region. Cybersecurity is the protection of information systems from theft or damage to hardware, software, and to the information on them, as well as from disruption or misdirection of the services they provide. The upsurge in cybercrime among West African nations is no longer a mystery but a reality that has come to stay. The growing phenomenon of cyber crime is having a negative impact on socio-economic activities in a way that raises a lot of concerns for stakeholders involved in cybersecurity. As the internet, networked systems, and the use of mobile phones expand throughout sub-Saharan Africa, nations are grappling with multiplying cybercrime threats. Most cyber laws over the period sought to address issues such as mobile security, computer forensics, strengthening national laws, building emergency response teams and ensuring that comprehensive national cybersecurity plans promote internet freedom and respect for civil rights.

The Economist, the International Business Times and organizations such as the African Development Bank (AfDB) have asserted that Africa is home to some of the world’s most rapidly growing economies. This new Africa, captured by the aphorism “Africa rising”, is reflected in the continent’s expanding middle class and rapid adoption of mobile technology. According to recent estimates by the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), the number of mobile subscribers reached 63 percent in 2013, and more than 16 percent of the African population are now using the internet. Furthermore, it is estimated that the global value of web-based retail sales for 2013 amounted to $963 billion, while business to consumer (B2C) e-commerce sales for the same period totaled $1.3 trillion. Although the e-commerce market is dominated by developed economies, the global share of e-commerce for the Middle East and Africa is expected to rise from 1.6 percent in 2011 to 2.3 percent by 2016.

A recent study by the International Data Group Connect investigating the state of cyber threats in various regions of Africa, with particular emphasis on Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa, shows that there is a strong correlation between cybersecurity and economic growth. Traditionally, West Africa has a high rate of software piracy. According to a 2011 study, the average rate of software piracy in the region is about 73 percent, with little change in recent years. In addition to the financial loss — $1.785 billion —, the high level of use of unauthorized software is likely to aggravate the region’s virus and malware woes.

The study by the International Data Group Connect estimates that annually, cybercrimes cost the South African economy $573 million, the Nigerian economy $200 million, and the Kenyan economy $36 million. It is important to understand that no one person or institution can have the requisite capacity to deal with cybersecurity. Cybersecurity is not an event but rather a process. As a result, it is not simply a matter of passing legislation, or something that belongs to lawyers only. Members of Parliament, lawyers, the judiciary, intelligence/military, civil society, media, young people and members of the public as key stakeholders should all be involved in efforts to deal with cybersecurity at the earliest available opportunity. It is important to engage all stakeholders to ensure the necessary buying and that they understand the issues and processes involved. 

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Want more SumVoices? Read on!

• SumVoices: Internet Freedom a Boon for Pakistan's Democracy
• SumVoices: Algeria prevents exam cheating by cutting off the entire internet: Is it the right solution? (English and Arabic)
• SumVoices: Transparency and Data Protection are Tools Venezuela Needs (English and Spanish)

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SumVoices: Internet Freedom a Boon for Pakistan's Democracy

Our last installment of SumVoices featured Algerian journalist and blogger, Rim Hayat Chaif, in English and Arabic. This month we bring you insight from Yasser Latif Hamdani, a lawyer, writer and activist from Lahore, Pakistan. His areas of interest include internet freedom and politics.

[Source: BOLDG/Shutterstock.com]

As an optimist, I believe that the internet is a formidable tool that will deliver Pakistan from the antediluvian notions of state and society which have held back its people from evolving into a truly democratic society. It is no secret that Pakistani society since the 1980s, when the then military dictator sought to Islamize it, has been held hostage by clerics and an increasingly reactionary state.  Their monopoly over thought was partially broken in the early 2000s when there was a boom in independent TV channels. Internet was still a luxury then but it caught up in the decade that followed.  Opinions, sometimes unsavoury and sometimes wholly contradictory to the deeply held beliefs of most of Pakistan’s population, came into circulation.

In 2010, the guardians of society struck back.  A ragtag religious outfit convinced the Lahore High Court to order a temporary ban of Facebook by objecting to blasphemous materials on it.  Later in 2012, Pakistan’s government blocked YouTube in response to rioting after a blasphemous video was uploaded onto the platform.  I fought this block in court for three years and am happy to report that it was finally unblocked earlier this year.  Now, Pakistan’s federal government is planning to bring an overbroad and ambitious piece of legislation called the Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act to control the medium which would empower them to censor the internet at will.  The government in Pakistan appears deathly afraid of the internet and the potential impact it could have on society.

Censoring the internet now is easier said than done.  Three years of the YouTube ban forced Pakistan’s 35 million internet users to search for alternative means of accessing the website. Refusing to leave anything to chance, most people I know have VPNs and proxy websites.  Furthermore, Pakistan’s telecom regulator, invariably saddled with the responsibility of the proposed legislation, knows that it has missed the bus.  Truth be told, many within the government are secretly pleased with the notion. After all, tomorrow they might be in the opposition and therefore do not want to put in place measures that would hurt them then.

For civil society activists and progressives in general, the internet has been a great boon.  It has helped refuseniks and freethinkers organize.  Communities and groups that have been systematically marginalized in the country since the 1980s have taken their message to social media.  Inherent contradictions of society have been laid bare.  Obviously, this has also led to a spike in the use of blasphemy laws.  The religious right, after all, has also been organizing.  As a whole, though, thanks to the internet, Pakistan’s society has been beset by an intellectual upheaval and that I stipulate is a good thing.  With the recent advent of 4G telecom services, this is only going to increase. 

The next battle in Pakistan’s long march to internet freedom and consequent social freedom is the fight for net neutrality.  Sooner or later the telecom regulator will have to implement that principle through regulation.  Once that happens, there will be firm legal basis for the optimism I have expressed above.  Simultaneously, digital rights activists will have to fight the battle against privacy and surveillance which the government is hell bent in bringing through legislation. 

Interesting times are ahead for Pakistan. 

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Digital Freedom Resources for Pakistan:

• Bolo Bhi: civil society organization focused on internet freedom, privacy, and gender in Pakistan.
• Bytes for All, Pakistan: human rights organization and research think tank with a focus on Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs).   
• Digital Rights Foundation: registered research-based advocacy NGO focusing on ICT to support human rights, democratic processes and digital governance. 
• Freedom House on Pakistan: detailed reports on Freedom on the Net and Freedom of the Press in Pakistan from an independent watchdog dedicated to freedom and democracy.
• Hamara Internet: campaign that seeks to acknowledge the increasing trends of digital violence against women (eVAW) and technology-related abuse, and to build a movement to promote a free and secure digital environment where women can participate freely. 
• Open Society Foundations' Mapping Digital Media - Pakistan: an examination of the global opportunities and risks of Pakistan's transition from traditional to digital media.
• Stop PECB, Pakistan's Terrible Cybercrime Bill Petition: petition to Pakistan's Senate, asking the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Bill (PECB) to be fixed or voted down. 

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Want more SumVoices? Read on!

• SumVoices: Algeria prevents exam cheating by cutting off the entire internet: Is it the right solution? (English and Arabic)
• SumVoices: Transparency and Data Protection are Tools Venezuela Needs (English and Spanish)
• SumVoices: Algeria: Online Harassment on the Rise (English and Arabic)

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SumVoices: Algeria prevents exam cheating by cutting off the entire internet: Is it the right solution?

Our last installment of SumVoices featured Venezuelan lawyer and digital rights activist, Marianne Díaz Hernández, in English and Spanish. This month we bring you the insight of Algerian journalist and blogger, Rim Hayat Chaif, in English and Arabic.

The second session of the Algerian baccalaureate exam occurred from June 19-23. With an overall cutoff of internet (from 20:00 the day before until 14:00 the day of the exam), more than 300,000 high school students had to retake the exam for a second time because of the massive fraud that occurred in the first session where the questions were flying around social media.

After this fraud, the Algerian authorities determined that in order to prevent high school students from cheating or being victims of wrong questions shared on social media, the best solution was to shut down the internet for the entire Algerian population, an unconscionable step decided without considering the consequences, unconscionable because the current Algerian economy cannot handle such international isolation at a time of seeking a new model of growth. Unconscionable because it prevented many Algerian institutions from doing their work normally for many hours. Unconscionable because it was not just social media platforms that were banned but even Google – how can Google be responsible for questions leaking?

According to official estimates, 18 million Algerians out of a population of 40 million are active on the internet and social networks.

The Algerian economic expert and international consultant Abdelmalek Serrai said in a statement to “the Algerian public radio Channel 1” that “this cut has caused financial losses estimated at 300 million dollars to the Algerian economy”.

The cutoff of internet and social networks has generated substantial financial damage to the Algerian economy. The banks were paralyzed, as it seriously disrupted their financial operations; Algerian and foreign companies were unable to complete their commercial transactions; students, researchers, and workers couldn’t work…it was as if all 40 million Algerians were taking the baccalaureate exam.

The risk of fraud for the second time could have been prevented if the authorities had chosen to encrypt the exam questions and print them at exam centers instead of transporting hard copies across the country as usual.

This decision surprised everyone, but it has shown that the Algerian authorities have a real political weapon called “censorship”.

According to Access Now, a UN resolution followed recent internet shutdowns in many countries, including Turkey, Bahrain, and Algeria. Global policy and legal counsel at Access Now, Peter Micek, said, “Development and human rights protections are strengthened in tandem when networks remain open, secure, and stable. All stakeholders, from telcos to activists to judges, must band together to demand an end to shutdowns”.

Rim Hayat Chaif

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Want more SumVoices? Read on!

• SumVoices: Transparency and Data Protection are Tools Venezuela Needs (English and Spanish)
• SumVoices: Algeria: Online Harassment on the Rise (English and Arabic)
• SumVoices: Digital Security Starts With Contextual Risk Assessment (English and Spanish)

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SumVoices: الجزائر تتخذ حجب الانترنت كحل من أجل وضع حد لتسرب أسئلة امتحانات البكالوريا

نظمت الدورة الثانية لامتحانات البكالوريا من 19 الى 23 جوان المنصرم مع قطع شامل للأنترنيت منذ الساعة الثامنة مساءاً حتى الساعة الثانية بعد الضهر لليوم الموالي، وقد اعاد أكثر من 300.000 طالب جزائري للمدرسة الثانوية الامتحان بقرار حكومي بعد تسرب مواضيع الامتحان على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي في الدورة الأولى التي الغيت نتائجها.

بعد حادثة تسريب مواضيع البكالوريا، و من اجل عدم تكرار حالة الغش لطلاب الثانوية أو عدم وقوعهم كضحايا للأسئلة الخاطئة التي تنشر على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي، جاءت السلطات الجزائرية بحل أمثل حسبها و هو بحجب الانترنيت عن كل الشعب الجزائري, هذه الخطوة الغير المدروسة و القرار غير الصائب و الذي جاء كرد فعل فجائي أعلن بدون حساب العواقب المترتبة عليه، غير مدروس لان الاقتصاد الجزائري الحالي لا يمكنه تحمل مثل هذه العزلة الدولية في حين انه يسعى للحصول على نموذج جيد للنمو, خطوة غير مدروسة لأنه منع المؤسسات الجزائري من الدخل للشبكة العنكبوتية للقيام بعملها اليومي. الحجب شمل حتى موقع شركة جوجل، وما علاقة جوجل بتسريب الاسئلة وعدم قدرة السلطات المحلية من السيطرة على حالة الفساد.

ويقول خبير الاقتصاد الجزائري عبد المالك صراي في تصريح للإذاعة الوطنية 1 " تسبب هذا القطع العام للأنترنيت بخسائر مالية تقدر ب 300 مليون دولار للاقتصاد الجزائري"

وقد نتج عن حجب وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي والانترنيت ضرر كبير على الاقتصاد الجزائري بحيث شلت البنوك و تعطلت عملياتها المالية بشكل كبير،كما تعطلت المعاملات التجارية بين الشركات الأجنبية و الجزائرية، الطلاب والعاملين بمجال الانترنيت لم يستطيعوا انجاز اعمالهم كما لو انه امتحان البكالوريا شمل 40 مليون جزائري.

وفقا للتقديرات الرسمية انه 18مليون مواطن جزائري من أصل 40 مليون عدد السكان يستعملون شبكة الانترنيت ومواقع التواصل الاجتماعي.

كان يمكن اتخاذ طرق أخرى لتجنب مخاوف اعادة تسريب مواضيع البكالوريا دون ان تسبب ضررا في القطاع العام، كانت تستطيع السلطات الجزائرية تشفير الاسئلة وطباعتها ساعة الامتحان في موقع الامتحان بدلا من نقل وارسال النسخ مطبوعة على جميع انحاء البلاد.

وقد كان قرار حجب الانترنيت صادماً للجميع ولكن اظهرت من خلاله السلطات الجزائرية بأن ليدها سلاح سياسي والذي هو "الرقابة"

وفقا لمنظمة أكسس ناو في قرار الامم المتحدة في ما يلي حجب الانترنيت في الاونية الاخيرة بالعديد من البلدان منها تركيا, البحرين والجزائر و بعض البلدان الاخرى حيث قال المستشار القانوني والسياسات العالمية في منظمة أكسس ناو بيتر ميجيك " يعزز الانترنيت التنمية و حقوق الانسان عندما يكون امناً و متاحا للجميع, يجب على كل الفاعلين من مزودي خدمة الانترنيت و الناشطين و القضاة ان يعملوا معا من اجل الحد من حجب الانترنيت"

ريم حياة شايف

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هل تريد المزيد من SumVoices؟ واصل القراءة!

• SumVoices: Transparency and Data Protection are Tools Venezuela Needs (الإنجليزية and الأسبانية)
• SumVoices: Algeria: Online Harassment on the Rise (الإنجليزية and العربية)
• SumVoices: Digital Security Starts With Contextual Risk Assessment (الإنجليزية and الأسبانية)

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SumVoces: Transparencia y protección de datos, las herramientas que Venezuela necesita

Nuestra última entrega de SumVoces contó Rim Hayat Chaif de Argelia, en inglés y árabe. Este mes os traemos abogada venezolana y activista de derechos digitales, Marianne Díaz Hernández, en inglés y español.

La omnipresencia de la tecnología está justo en el límite de convertirse en algo que ya no notamos, algo que damos por sentado y en lo cual no pensamos demasiado. A medida que esto sucede, las entidades a cargo de proveer servicios tecnológicos sólo incrementan la cantidad de información que recolectan de nuestras actividades, y tanto compañías como gobiernos utilizan esta información para su provecho, en ocasiones en contra de las leyes de privacidad, pero incluso más aún en lugares donde estas leyes no existen. En Venezuela, no existen leyes en relación con la protección a los datos personales, incluyendo su recolección y su manejo. Al mismo tiempo, el gobierno está recabando enormes cantidades de datos (desde huellas digitales hasta consumo de alimentos) y cerrando esta información tras cercos, haciéndola inaccesible a los ciudadanos y a la sociedad en general.

Mientras por un lado, los datos personales y los metadatos son recabados sin seguir ningún estándar, y las comunicaciones privadas son violadas de manera regular, por otro lado, la información gubernamental es inaccesible o está enterrada profundamente bajo capas interminables de burocracia. El principal argumento contra el alegato de que Venezuela tiene las tasas de inflación y de homicidios más altas del mundo, yace en el hecho de que no hay cifras oficiales para éstos o para un sinnúmero de otros asuntos públicos: enfermedades y epidemias, distribución de alimentos y escasez, hambre y pobreza, así como los indicadores económicos, son publicados sólo a conveniencia del gobierno y no pueden ser solicitados por los ciudadanos. Un par de años atrás, una organización no gubernamental solicitó información con respecto a cuántos sitios web estaban siendo bloqueados por el gobierno (alrededor de 1.500, de acuerdo con investigaciones independientes) y las razones y procedimientos para tales bloqueos. La respuesta del Tribunal Supremo fue declarar que toda la información de telecomunicaciones era “secreto de Estado”, y que esta ONG no tenía derecho a requerir tal información.

La falta de estándares legales en torno al acceso a la información puede ser dañina tanto para la transparencia como para la privacidad. No haber establecido qué datos son considerados públicos (y deben ser liberados) y qué datos son considerados privados (y deben ser protegidos) puede crear un entorno en el cual la información fluye de acuerdo a los intereses particulares de los actores públicos y privados que detentan el poder, en lugar del interés público. Como ciudadanos, la falta de control que tenemos sobre nuestra información privada puede ser usada como herramienta para la opresión, la censura y la presión política. En el caso de Venezuela, por ejemplo, la interconexión de la información biométrica, que es usada en los sistemas electorales así como en los sistemas de distribución alimentaria, es percibida por muchos ciudadanos como si pudiera tener un impacto directo en su capacidad para alimentarse a sí mismos y a sus familias. Como consecuencia, las personas podrían sentir propensión a restringirse de involucrarse en la vida política del país, como una medida de autopreservación.

La Asamblea Nacional venezolana se encuentra debatiendo el proyecto de una ley que, de ser aprobada, se convertiría en la primera en regular el manejo y publicación de información pública. Esta ley podría proporcionar a los ciudadanos las herramientas legales para requerir información pública del gobierno, así como mecanismos de rendición de cuentas, en el caso de que los servidores públicos no cumplan con su obligación de liberar información pública. Aunque esto podría parecer un estándar mínimo para los datos abiertos, para Venezuela significaría un cambio trascendental en la forma en la que las políticas públicas son creadas y aplicadas, y en la manera en la que los ciudadanos podrían involucrarse en la creación de políticas públicas y la rendición de cuentas. Es una gran oportunidad para crear un conjunto de estándares en torno a la información pública, así como a los límites entre lo público y lo privado, junto con mecanismos que permitirían a los ciudadanos tomar medidas para proteger su información personal que yace en manos de actores estatales. Mientras la capacidad de obtener información en torno a procesos y políticas públicas es una poderosa herramienta para la transparencia, la innovación y la lucha contra la corrupción, la capacidad de controlar la forma en que nuestros datos personales son recabados, tratados, almacenados y compartidos podría ser una de las garantías más importantes que podemos ganar para la protección de nuestras libertades en línea.

Marianne Díaz Hernández contribuyó con anterioridad a SumVoces con "Digital Security Starts With Contextual Risk Assessment" ("La Seguridad Comienza digitales con el Análisis de Riesgos contextual"). Ella está involucrada en iniciativas como Creative Commons Venezuela y Acesso Libre y contribuye a Global Voices y el blog de Amnistía Internacional. Seguirla @mariannedh.

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¿Quieres más SumVoces? Sigue leyendo!

• SumVoices: Algeria: Online Harassment on the Rise (inglés y árabe)
• SumVoices: Digital Security Starts With Contextual Risk Assessment (inglés y español)
• SumVoices: Cybercrime in Algeria - Phenomenon on the Rise (inglés y árabe)

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SumVoices: Transparency and Data Protection Are Tools Venezuela Needs

Our last installment of SumVoices featured Rim Hayat Chaif from Algeria, in English and Arabic. This month we bring you Venezuelan lawyer and digital rights activist, Marianne Díaz Hernández, in English and Spanish.

The ubiquity of technology is on the verge of becoming something we don’t notice anymore, something we take for granted and don’t give too much thought to. As this happens, the entities in charge of technology services only increase the amount of information they gather from our activities, and both companies and governments use this information to their advantage, sometimes against privacy laws, but even more so in places where these laws don’t exist. In Venezuela, there are no laws regarding data protection, including its collection or handling. At the same time, the government is gathering vast amounts of data (regarding everything from fingerprints to food consumption) and locking this information behind walls, making it unavailable to citizens and civil society in general.

While on one hand, personal data and metadata are collected without following any standards and private communications are violated regularly, on the other hand, government-related information is unavailable or buried deep within neverending layers of bureaucracy. The main argument against stating that Venezuela has the highest inflation and murder rates in the world lies in the fact that there are no official figures for this or for a number of other public issues: diseases and epidemics, food distribution and scarcity, hunger and poverty, and economic indicators are only released at the government’s convenience and cannot be requested by citizens. A couple of years ago, one NGO requested information regarding how many websites were being blocked by the government (about 1,500, according to independent investigations), and the reasons and procedures for such blockages. The Supreme Court answer was to declare all telecommunications information to be a “state secret” and to declare that this NGO had no standing to request such information.

A lack of legal standards regarding access to information can be damaging to both transparency and privacy. Not having established which data is considered public (and must be released) and which data is considered private (and must be protected) can create an environment in which information flows according to the particular interests of power-holding public and private actors, rather than according to public interest. As citizens, the lack of control we have over our private information can be used as a tool for oppression, censorship, and political influence. In Venezuela’s case, for instance, the interconnectedness of biometric information, which is used in electoral systems and in food distribution systems, is perceived by citizens as if their political stance might have a direct impact on their ability to feed themselves and their families. It follows that people might feel inclined to restrain themselves from getting involved in the political life of the country as a self-preservation measure.

The Venezuelan Congress is currently debating the draft of a bill which, if approved, would become the first law to regulate the handling and sharing of public information. This law would provide citizens with legal tools to request public information from the government, and also for accountability mechanisms in the event that public servants do not fulfill their duty to release public information. Although this might seem a bare minimum standard for open data, for Venezuela it would mean a transcendental change in how public policies are created and applied, and in how citizens can become involved in policy making and accountability processes. It is a great opportunity to create a set of standards regarding not only public information but the boundaries between public and private, along with mechanisms that would allow citizens to take steps in protecting their private information in the hands of State actors. While the ability to gain information regarding public processes and policy making is a powerful tool for transparency, innovation and the fight against corruption, the ability to control how our personal data is collected, treated, stored and shared might be one of the most important guarantees that can be gained in the protection of online freedoms.

Marianne Díaz Hernández previously contributed to SumVoices with "Digital Security Starts With Contextual Risk Assessment" ("La seguridad digital comienza con el analisis de riesgos contextual"). She is involved in initiatives including Creative Commons Venezuela and Acesso Libre, contributes to Global Voices and guest blogs for Amnesty International. Follow her @mariannedh.

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Want more SumVoices? Read on!

• SumVoices: Algeria: Online Harassment on the Rise (English and Arabic)
• SumVoices: Digital Security Starts With Contextual Risk Assessment (English and Spanish)
• SumVoices: Cybercrime in Algeria - Phenomenon on the Rise (English and Arabic) 

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Algeria: Online harassment on the rise

International laws agree on the classification of online harassment as a cybercrime that deserves to be punished even though the type of punishment varies from one law to another. Most developed countries agree technically and electronically on considering this kind of crime as deviant behavior and have implemented procedures and laws criminalizing harassers who are using the internet as a tool to bother others. The situation is still blurred in the Arab world in general and Algeria in particular from a cultural and legislative point of view.

Online harassment is a phenomenon that emerged with the development of electronic means of communication and increased with the advent of social media. Online harassment is the use of electronic media and the internet in intentionally disturbing others individually or collectively in several forms: as persecution, defamation, or sending messages that disturb the receiver, whether the message content is sexual or inappropriate, contains insults, pictures of the person published without his knowledge, threats or blackmail, spyware or abusive tracking, defamatory comments through various electronic means, or if it impersonates his identity on social media.

According to IT news Africa website statistics, Algeria took the fifth position in Africa in using Facebook, where males from 18 to 24 years old are the majority, with a rate of 68% compared to 32% of females(1). Web use in Algeria is so extensive that it has become an active component of citizenship, which is what concerns international organizations and e-crimes companies, as some reports revealed that Algeria is one of the top Arab and African countries for cybercrime.

Thus, many Algerian jurists say that the Algerian legislature protects individual freedom through several legal articles in the penal code. As Ben Attaf Bashir explained “electronic crime today is more sophisticated than the legislation itself, and technological development compels us to enact new laws for the protection of individual privacy on the internet.” He added, “The fact that some internet users leave many personal details about their personal lives on social media makes it easier for hackers to carry out their crimes smoothly.”

Algerian lawyer Fatima ben Brahem says that Algeria is still behind in terms of laws and programs to combat online harassment. “We still have not reached a high level of technological development that enables us to measure online crime and limit it by a defined law”.

The lawyer added that Algerian courts often do not take into account crimes related to technology because of the absence of a formal proof of the perpetrators, especially when it is about “talk” in online calling, as it is classified as intention to do the crime and not as a proof of the crime despite several cases of electronic harassment that were registered by Algerian citizens.

The Algerian lawyer said that several complaints have been received about threats and insults but courts did not consider the cases because Algeria doesn’t have a law that allows lawyers to refer to talking on the phone to verify information. The call is not proof in itself; it is just the means and to turn it into a proof we have to listen to the dialogue registered between the sender and the receiver. This technique is so far limited only to the organ of national defense and we as lawyers we cannot have access to them, so we cannot take this kind of crime cases.

Algeria still behind in term of technology use. The West is not using paper anymore, and is satisfied in using technology (applications, e-banking, and so on…) for everything. However, in Algeria, electronic paper has yet to be accepted. If you have to get a document from the municipality it has to have a stamp in red ink. This is silly - how is it possible to stop cybercrime in this situation? The issue is primarily technological and needs intensive efforts by a multi-stakeholders in the IT field with the help of other national bodies. We have to spread awareness about electronic culture first, as cybercrime is touching everybody and it is an issue for everyone, not only judges and lawyers.

Rim Hayat Chaif, Algerian Journalist and Blogger

 [1] http://www.itnewsafrica.com/2014/02/top-10-african-countries-on-facebook-2/